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【Member。校颍椋觯椋欤澹纾澹蟆 Member's Mark

發(fā)布時間:2020-03-26 來源: 美文摘抄 點擊:

  Each of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization members finds its   own national interests served within the regional organization
  Facing common security threats, leaders of six countries--Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan--established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in June 2001 to maintain regional stability and security, fight terrorism and extremism, prevent conflicts and enhance economic cooperation. The SCO’s primary goals are economic cooperation and fighting terrorism.
  Since Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have vastly different national interests, the SCO as a regional organization has a broad agenda.
  
  Russia’s interests
  
  It is well known that Central Asia is very important for Russia, exerting a big influence on it. The following points explain why this region is accorded high priority in Russian diplomacy:
  First, the border defense among the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) members is loose, which is also one of the reasons for the establishment of the SCO. Today, not only the Central Asian countries, but also Russia and Kazakhstan have no border defense. Consolidating border defense needs large capital investments that Russia cannot currently afford.
  Second, abundant energy resources in Central Asia are a strong impetus for Russia to maintain security and stability in the region.
  Third, many Russians live in Central Asia.
  Fourth, Central Asia is an important focal point in the crackdown on terrorism and religious extremism. The Chechnya problem has gone beyond Russia’s borders and many Chechen terrorists are now linked to groups involved in global terrorism and money laundering.
  Fifth, the region is also crucial to Russia’s fight against drug smuggling. Afghan peddlers send drugs to Russia via the Central Asian countries and then sell them to Europe. Russia is determined to cut this channel.
  Meanwhile, Russia is also fully aware that it does not have the resources and the political power to guarantee Central Asian security and stability on its own. Only by joining the international organization in Central Asia can Russia serve its national interests with less input.
  
  China’s interests
  
  China’s interests in the SCO derive from the following:
  It can further consolidate its position in the region and gradually increase its influence in Central Asian countries. It can also better coordinate with Russia in international affairs and deepen cooperation with it under the framework of the SCO.
  By joining the SCO, China can show the world that this organization can cope with crises on its own and need not turn to the United States. At the same time, China can turn to the SCO in the event of conflicts with the United States.
  I think the SCO is actually an important force in containing U.S. influence in Central Asia, as can be seen from the SCO St. Petersburg Summit in 2002. At that summit, the leaders of the six countries signed a series of politically important documents, including the Charter for the SCO, enabling the organization to be registered in the United Nations as a regional organization. The establishment of an antiterrorism center in Tashkent has created a competitive environment, with the U.S. military presence also in the region.
  China can get considerable support in its action against the Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). The Chinese Government is under pressure from foreign countries while dealing with Uygurs having terrorist links. China hopes for international cooperation through the SCO to crack down on ETIM separatist forces.
  After the United States stationed its troops in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, China also changed its plan toward maintaining strategic security in its northwest region and enhancing its political influence in the Central Asia.
  
  Kazakhstan’s interests
  
  Joining the SCO can help Kazakhstan consolidate its geopolitical position. Kazakhstan has resolved its territorial
  disputes with neighboring countries and is now in the process of defining its boundaries. The SCO can help its members cut troop deployment in the border areas in a planned way and increase the transparency of military maneuvers.
  As a regional stability factor, the SCO can help Kazakhstan attract foreign investment. Economic integration can only be realized by eliminating instability. The SCO is not simply a military alliance; its members can quickly transform military cooperation into economic cooperation. This is very important for Kazakhstan as it tries to strengthen its ties with Russia and China.
  Cracking down on drug smuggling is an urgent task for all SCO members. Although Central Asian countries have signed an international agreement on the CIS fighting against drug smuggling, cooperation under the SCO framework is more effective.
  The SCO can help crack down on various groups trying to subvert constitutional order and can also exert influence on the sharing of regional water resources. Of note is also the fact that an increasing number of Kazakhstan students are studying in Russian military colleges.
  
  Uzbekistan’s interests
  
  Uzbekistan’s interests in the SCO are very similar to those of Kazakhstan.
  The SCO can help the country fight terrorism and religious extremism. Uzbekistan also needs the SCO for the sharing of water resources.
  Moreover, the political situation in Afghanistan remains complicated and the SCO can help Uzbekistan militarily in the event of any spillover of the conflict into its own territory. The SCO can also help Uzbekistan crack down on drug crimes and strengthen economic cooperation with China.
  
  Kyrgyzstan’s interests
  
  Kyrgyzstan is primarily concerned with maintaining domestic political stability. The SCO can help prevent illegal military forces from entering its territory. Evidence in recent years shows that Kyrgyzstan’s military power cannot resist well-equipped and well-trained Wahhabism forces. This also explains why Kyrgyzstan was the first country in Central Asia to open its airports to the United States. Lacking confidence in its own military power and fearing that U.S. troops would withdraw from its territory, Kyrgyzstan took a series of measures for greater cooperation with the United States. Meanwhile, the CIS’ antiterrorism center was established in Bishkek.
  Joining the SCO can help Kyrgyzstan establish closer economic ties with Russia and China. Also, the SCO framework allows for substantial negotiations in energy cooperation.
  
  Tajikistan’s interests
  
  Tajikistan is the only Central Asian country that has experienced civil war and this experience defines its association with the SCO.
  The SCO can help it undertake collective defense along the Tajikistan-Afghanistan border and maintain domestic stability. Tajikistan needs an external and neutral force to maintain domestic stability and the SCO meets this requirement.
  The country needs cooperation in fighting drug crimes. Most drugs in Afghanistan go through Tajikistan. According to Tajikistani President Emomali Sharipovich Rakhmonov, after the U.S. crackdown on terrorism, the drug trade originating in Afghanistan increased by 15 percent. Tajikistan also stands to benefit from close economic cooperation with other SCO members.
  
  Prospects for the SCO
  
  The SCO is currently faced with several options. It can expand its scope to strengthen efforts to crack down on Islamic terrorism. Iran, India, Pakistan, Mongolia and even the United States have shown great interest in the organization. Or it may deepen economic and cultural cooperation under the current framework.
  But the SCO must not expand in haste. Current SCO members are all vastly different and should be able to cooperate with the countries that apply to enter the organization.
  The United States launched a military strike on Iraq and has weakened its watch on Central Asia. The Taliban is preparing to launch a new round of attacks. The regional situation has changed greatly. All these require the SCO to increase its security cooperation, including military cooperation, among its members.
  Many people argue that the SCO has many overlapping functions with other international organizations. But when we compare the SCO with organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization, we can find many differences between them.
  First, the SCO’s priority is cracking down on international terrorism, separatism, weapons smuggling, drug crimes and maintaining border security.
  Second, the SCO not only covers CIS members, but also includes China, which is the largest country in Asia, as well as an important strategic partner of Russia and Kazakhstan.
  The urgent problem for the SCO is coping with crises efficiently. When the antiterrorism coalition launched actions in Afghanistan, the SCO did not react to what happened there. It did not have collective discussions, nor did it reach consensus on the issue. Thus, both the SCO and the Collective Security Treaty Organization are not in a position to deal with the problem of security and strategic stability in Central Asia.
  The SCO is also different from the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA). The CICA is a forum for dialogue and consultation in terms of security in Asia while the SCO is an international organization with a charter and executive body. Actually, the SCO and the CICA do have common ground since both are dedicated to maintaining Asian stability. But their functions and organizational mechanisms are very different. At the same time, the SCO does not contradict the CICA and they can operate simultaneously, complementing one another.
  Many experts believe that although the United States has greatly increased its influence in Central Asia, the countries there and Russia and China still play leading roles in security guarantees.
  Threats to common security provide the strongest impetus to SCO integration. Changes in the regional situation caused by the Batken hostage crisis in 1999 were a warning to SCO members that security threats were far from over. This explains the reasons for the Shanghai Five to absorb Uzbekistan and become the SCO. SCO members are clearly aware that the threats from radical Islamic forces to Central Asian countries, Chechnya and China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region come from Afghanistan. The SCO has shown it is capable of coping with these threats.
  The legal basis of the SCO framework has bolstered economic cooperation among its members. Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are aiming for the free movement of goods, capital, services and technology under the SCO framework before 2020. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s proposal of gradually establishing a free economic area under the SCO framework was widely supported by leaders of other SCO members, and the six prime ministers signed a long-term common program, until 2020, in Beijing in 2003. Against such a backdrop, it is necessary to improve the basic infrastructure for economic cooperation, especially the legal system, banks and the financial system.
  The author is an expert with the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan

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