“The top priority [for China and the United States] should be to understand each other’s strategic interests and not to defy them.”--Luo Yuan
　　
　　July witnessed a great event in Sino-U.S. military exchanges and cooperation. On July 16, a high-level military delegation led by Guo Boxiong, Vice Chairman of China’s Central Military Commission, arrived in Los Angeles, for a weeklong visit to the United States. U.S. mainstream media reported that Guo’s visit indicated that the Sino-U.S. military relationship had reached a new high level since the aircraft collision incident between the two sides in 2001.
　　The Sino-U.S. relationship has been likened to a cannikin. The longer board circling the cannikin represents their economic relationship, indicating its large developing spaces, while the shorter one stands for the military relationship between them. When the military relationship expands, the bilateral relationship improves, and vice versa. Thus, the military relationship is the barometer of the overall bilateral relationship.
　　The Sino-U.S. military relationship has seen several ups and downs in the past decades after the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In 1989, Washington imposed overall sanctions against China and military cooperation between the two countries was suspended. The bilateral military relationship that had just been initialized came to a standstill.
　　In the 1990s, the U.S. assistant secretary of defense visited China, indicating a re-opening of military exchanges. However, in 1995, Washington allowed Taiwan leader Li Teng-hui to visit the United States, which deteriorated the Sino-U.S. relationship. When China launched joint military maneuvers on its southeast coast in March 1996, the United States dispatched two aircraft carriers there as a deterrent. The relationship between the two armies teetered on the brink of confrontation.
　　Chinese Defense Minister Chi Haotian’s visit to the United States in 1996 and U.S. Secretary of Defense William S. Cohen’s visit to China in 1998 saw a rebound in the relationship in the second half of the 1990s. However, the U.S. bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Yugoslavia in 1999 led to renewed frustrations.
　　From the end of the 1990s to 2001, Cohen and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Henry H. Shelton visited China in succession. The Sino-U.S. military relationship showed signs of turning better. But after taking office, U.S. President George W. Bush defined China as a “strategic competitor,” changing his predecessor Bill Clinton’s policy toward China of a “Constructive Strategic Partnership.” Bush’s announcement of defending Taiwan further soured the relations between China and the United States. In April 2001, a Chinese aircraft collided with a U.S. spy aircraft, taking the relationship between the two armies to the lowest level.
　　After the September 11 terrorist attacks, Washington showed a new regard for China’s position and role in the global antiterrorism campaign and military ties began to take a favorable turn.
　　
　　Military exchanges between the two countries have become frequent in the past years. In November 2003, Chinese Defense Minister Cao Gangchuan, who is also vice chairman of China’s Central Military Commission, visited the United States; in June 2004, U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers came to China; one month later, Thomas B. Fargo, Commander of the U.S. Pacific Command, visited China; in October that year, Chief of General Staff of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Liang Guanglie paid a visit to the United States; in October 2005, U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld visited China; in May 2006, Commander of the U.S. Pacific Command William J. Fallon visited China; and in July, Vice Chairman of China’s Central Military Commission Guo Boxiong visited the United States, taking the bilateral military relationship to a new height.
　　As seen from the complicated course of the Sino-U.S. military ties, we find that they have always been influenced by their respective political relationship, the Taiwan issue and internal political demands in the United States. The rise and fall in the military relationship was provoked and amended by the United States.
　　In general, the fundamental reason behind this has been national interests. When the two countries have similar interests, the relationship between the two has improved, and when they have conflicting interests, the relationship has deteriorated. Thus, the top priority should be to understand each other’s strategic interests and to maintain and develop the relationship between the two armies.
　　Currently, China has understood the U.S. core strategic interest of antiterrorism and has cooperated in it. China has clarified to the United States that China’s core strategic interest is the Taiwan issue and that it will defend its national sovereignty and territorial integrity at any cost. China hopes the United States will attach importance to it and not send wrong signals to “Taiwan independence” forces. There should be no war between China and the United States and China would never actively provoke the United States. But if China’s sovereignty were trampled on, it would have no choice but to fight for its strategic interest.
　　China shows great sincerity and goodwill in developing the bilateral military relationship. Guo’s visit is an example. During his visit, China not only expressed great interest in promoting high level military exchanges, but also reached substantial consensus on launching a joint maneuver of maritime search and rescue, showing Chinese soldiers’ people-first view and humanitarian spirit. China hopes the United States will give this its full understanding.
　　However, while the Sino-U.S. military exchanges were making active progress, a perilous signal was sent from the U.S. side. The United States will sell more than 60 F-16 fighters to Taiwan, which has cast a shadow on the advancing Sino-U.S. military relationship.
　　U.S politicians and military officers should boost exchanges and cooperation between the two countries and armies with a global view. The overall situation of the Sino-U.S. relationship should not be weakened for the sake of some parties or interest groups.

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